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29 (Fukuoka, 1996)
(Fukuoka, 1996)
I. Identity Crises and Varieties of Resolution
We have conducted in-depth interviews with approximately 150 zainichi youths reg arding their life histories since 1988. Each interview takes from 3 to 4 hours, and focuses on their ethnic identity, as it is subjectively understood by the re spondent him/herself.
Overall, the following are our two major findings. Firstly, the vast majority of zainichi youths we interviewed had an experience of being exposed to some forms of discrimination and prejudice, either direct or indirect, either overt or covert, against themselves as Koreans by the majority Japanese, and have had or have identity crises. Therefore, we have to be critical of some common statements made by Japanese researchers, which overlook the complexity of the problem by saying that the zainichi youths are relatively smoothly accommodating themselves to Japanese society. This is in fact true when compared with the first generat ions who had been struggling with feelings of bitterness toward Japan and of nostalgia for their Korean homeland; and the second generations who had been desper ately attempting to establish their economic bases and fighting against discrimination and harsh poverty. However, the accommodation to Japanese society of the zainichi youths is far from being free of psychological conflicts.
Secondly, we have observed a great diversity of zainichi identities. It is thus inappropriate for us to attribute to the zainichi, a great homogeneity as a minority group than they have in reality. A traditional division of the zainichi identity into a type which strongly maintains its Korean ethnicity and another which loses its Korean ethnicity as a result of assimilation, is in fact too cru de a dichotomy to reflect the present situation surrounding zainichi youths. A crucial problem hence arises: Why ways by which zainichi youths resolve their identity crises vary so much in reality?
The ascribed "self" of a zainichi youth has dual components, viz., the "assimilated" self and the "dissimilated" self. The assimilated self, on the one hand , emerges in the natural process of growing-up. Without questioning, s/he internalizes Japanese culture, acquiring and using Japanese as their mother tongue. S/he has many aspects of culture in common with the surrounding Japanese majority in terms of ways of thinking, ways of feeling, values, lifestyles and so forth. S/he cannot stop being aware of what a "Japan"ized identity s/he has.
On the other hand, the "dissimilated" self distinguishes him/her from the Japanese majority in the sense that s/he maintains some elements of ethnic heritage. The degree of conformity to Korean ethnicity varies depending on individual circumstances such as: the degree to which ethnic customs are practiced at home; attendance at ethnic schools; and residence in a zainichi enclave. Nevertheless, whatever the extent to which s/he holds Korean ethnicity, his/her ways of thinking, ways of feeling, values and lifestyles cannot be exactly the same as the dominant Japanese ones.
It is in Japanese society, one where the myth of society as mono-racial and mono-ethnic is deeply embedded, that zainichi youths live their lives. An enormous amount of invisible pressure is at work to assert that being "the same as others" is both vital and a matter of course. Even a slight deviation from the norm could render one a potential target of ostracism, bullying, and abuse.
In this context, the vast majority of zainichi youths regulate their "selves " in accordance with the Japanese majority, and act in a way that is "the same as others." They adopt Japanese pseudonyms (pass names) instead of Korean ethnic names. They "conceal" their ethnic origins in front of their Japanese peers and neighbors. Such are the examples of a disguise which allow Koreans to "pass" as Japanese. In most cases, "passing" performances go beyond disguise: many zainichi youths incorporate in these performances a sense of negative self-esteem, self -dislike. Some of them wish from the bottom of their hearts that they were Japanese. Such an attitude can be called the "assimilationist orientation."
No matter how truly they wish they were Japanese and no matter how well they act Japanese, their existence as being something different is often exposed by the Japanese people around them on diverse occasions. In some cases, Japanese acquaintances end their friendship upon being informed of their Korean ethnic origin. In other cases, through their interactions with Japanese friends while in disguise, they begin to question their own being whilst under this disguise, and feel that their self-expression is distorted. The reproach against the disguised self is often sublimated to an emancipation of their real selves, i.e., the acceptance of themselves as different from others as something positive. Such a self -realization can be called the "dissimilationist orientation."
